U.S. forces in Korea long-term; Collapse revisited

by Richardson ~ February 16th, 2006. Filed under: Engagement, Geopolitics, North Korea, U.S.-Korea Relations.

During defense working-level meetings in 2002, made public on Wednesday, the U.S. and South Korea drafted – “but failed to adopt” – a joint statement dealing with the future of the Korean Peninsula, agreeing that U.S. forces would remain in Korea even after reunification.

Equally, if not more, important is that the joint statement made the assumption that North Korea would eventually collapse and be absorbed by South Korea. This runs counter to officially stated ROK policy on reunification, and did at the time as well.

From Yonhap:

The United States has endorsed South Korea-led unification of the Korean Peninsula and agreed to maintain its troops here afterward, according to a draft defense document revealed Wednesday

[…]

According to the document, the two sides agreed on a three-stage unification: reconciliation and cooperation, peaceful coexistence and eventual unification, rather than an inter-Korean confederation in between.

The concept of confederation promoted by South Korea has been at odds with that of North Korea, which pushes for a federation as a way of unifying the two Koreas after more than half a century of division.

During their historic summit in 2000, former South Korean President Kim Dae-jung and North Korean leader Kim Jong-il agreed on a loose form of confederation or federation, leaving much room for interpretation in its implementation.

[…]

At the stage of eventual unification, South Korea is to take an active security role on the Korean Peninsula on the assumption that the communist regime will collapse. An influx of North Korean refugees into South Korea may cause chaos on the peninsula, according to the document.

Progressive civic activists, however, derided the draft report, saying it runs counter to the principle of the joint declaration made during the summit of the two leaders in June 2000. (emphasis added)

Some points to take away from this. First, as late as 2002 the ROK government acknowledged that a U.S. troop presence in even a unified Korea will be needed. Second, the decades-old ROK formula for reunification is given preference over the DPRK federation, although the third item of note – the fundamental assumption the northern regime will collapse – renders both the three-stage plan and the federation approach rather unlikely for planning purposes. In a rare glimmer of realism in South Korean policy related to the future of North Korea, it also runs completely counter to the Roh administrations current policy based upon Kim Dae-jung’s, “Sunshine Policy.”

The recently released draft of the joint statement probably does not give great detail on either sides reasoning for keeping American forces in Korea after reunification for political reasons. Fortunately, I do not have the same constraint when explaining why the U.S. will remain in Korea (and Japan), reunified or not, for the foreseeable future:

… some Korean and U.S. policy makers realize that an East Asian arms race scenario just as much a threat today as during the Cold War.

It goes like this; The U.S. pulls out of Korea, for whatever reason. South Korea predictably feels the need to beef up its security due to the absence of U.S. troops, although more from the (real or perceived) threat from Japan rather than North Korea. South Korea is also worried about Chinese designs on North Korean territory. Japan must respond to the Korean buildup, and so enhances its forces with some projection capability, which it currently lacks. This in turn causes concern in China, where Japan is viewed as a threat, although Korea is not. At some point, either Korea or Japan may consider the nuclear option, since it is too costly for them to spend scarce resources on a massive conventional build-up of equipment and forces. The other would soon follow, and East Asia would be a nuclear powder keg ready to explode over something as childish as the Tokdo/Takeshima dispute.

While the details of the race and escalation of tensions can vary in a number of ways, the overall outcome would complicate security and economic matters in East Asia even without the conflict that would probably become a world war. As long as policy makers don’t forget this, the U.S. will be in Korea and Japan

H/T, From the Nakdong to the Yalu (formerly the Marmot)
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3 Responses to U.S. forces in Korea long-term; Collapse revisited

  1. usinkorea

    I find it hard to believe most of the US and SK thinkers actually put much stock in these statements that USFK will be in country after unification.

    Korean anti-US activity has gone up since 2000 as more Koreans felt less of a need to hold back long pent up frustration thanks to a perceived lowering of the NK threat. When the threat really is no more, what will happen?

    Does the US really want to have as part of its possible China containment policy a toe hold on the East Asia mainland — with a narrow border area and within easy reach of the Chinese military? and in a nation that will be even more reluctant than Turkey to allow the US to use its bases there if it thinks it needs to?

    Japan still seems the best natural defense line, the idea of getting into a ground war against China still seems highly foolish, a unified Korea will not be any more apt to be a closer ally to the US than South Korea is today….
    …..

    I think (hope) these guys are just saying this stuff because if they put an artificial time table for withdrawing, even a hypothetical one, it will simply add some amount of pressure on the alliance when it has enough of that now.

  2. Richardson

    South Korean ‘thinkers’ (using the term loosely as it applies to some Juche-junkies) and Americans that look to anti-Americanism and the ability of the ROKA to defend itself in the theoretical Korean War II as justifications for the pull-out of American troops are not taking the big picture view. Anti-Americanism ROKA ability are, in my view, completely irrelevant to the long-term issue.

    Regional stability is the key. No matter what you and I may want, if there is a regional war in the Pacific, the U.S. *will* be involved – there is no way around this, we have too many interests there.

    The proven way to prevent, or at least vastly reduce, the chances of that happening is by having the proverbial ‘tripwires’ in the region. It is potentially far cheaper in both lives and dollars to keep troops there than pay for the war and clean up the mess, as we always do. This also greatly reduces the chance of a regional arms race.

    As far as China’s ability to hit U.S. troops in Korea; missiles - yes for awhile (Japan would be no safer), air craft - maybe at first, troops, not a snowballs chance in hell. Any of that and of course it would be a full-scale regional war, if not a world war. Judging from China’s ability to project even regionally, they do not want to tangle with America, for awhile.

    The possibility of a post-U.S. withdraw arms race is real. When it comes down to brass tacks, policy makers on both sides put rhetoric aside, take a long, realistic look at the ‘what-if-the U.S.-left’ scenarios, and decide to stay.

    South Korean policy makers who know what they are about will also realize that they can choose between U.S. troops on their soil, and being bullied by China – or worse – after we leave.

    Reductions in number, yes. But we’re not going anywhere for a long time.

  3. James J. Na

    Korean anti-US activity has gone up since 2000 as more Koreans felt less of a need to hold back long pent up frustration thanks to a perceived lowering of the NK threat. When the threat really is no more, what will happen?

    Just because NK disappears, woundn’t mean that there is no more security threat.

    In point of fact, a unified Korea surrounded by China, Russia and Japan, instead of bi-polar Koreas serving as buffer states for the two regional alignments, may need, and indeed seek, an outside friend much more desperately.

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